Building Relationships

The discussions around how DSA can contribute to the uprisings sparked by police violence against George Floyd and others have been productive. Collective Power Network has a good report out from Cincinnati, and Bread & Roses talks about the importance of political discussion. However, I worry about how relationships are not centered in these discussions.  We must understand our own individual local conditions. The pre-established relationship in Cincinnati seems glossed over, but vital. Political discussion and consensus within a chapter are important but that leaves out the hard work of building relationships. Consensus within the chapter does not automatically mean consensus in the community. Ramsin Canon’s other articles have touched on this, and raised thought provoking questions. This article is an attempt to shed a light on the hard work of building community ties.

Black Lives Matter has undoubtedly amassed national popular legitimacy. Think back to the conversation around the murder of Trayvon Martin through to Ferguson. Back in 2015 there were frequent claims of BLM being a terrorist organization. Conservatives can talk about “antifa” and outside agitators, but that holds less weight as protests spread to every city. There have been over 2000 cities or towns that have participated in BLM protests. This has further reach than many past protest movements, and it also means people are more likely to come into contact with police brutality such as pepper spray or misconduct like when cops invite people to park then have all their cars towed.

It’s a wake up call in more ways than one. Many organizers have been stuck in a hibernation mode with lockdown in place in many states. The call to be in the streets seeing people in person for the first time in months is powerful. I know I’ve felt good being able to organize more directly. Collective liberation is of course the goal under socialism, but we must guard against a transactional approach to this moment. We need to be embedded in the struggle, not trying to co-opt it. 

Forming independent campaigns can be useful, particularly in electoral work. I agreed with DSA’s independent expenditure campaign format for Bernie. It was probably the only way legally to do it, but it came with its set of restrictions and assumptions. Building an independent list makes sense as we try to strengthen our electoral work, especially since Bernie has not done much with his campaign resources since withdrawing. But being an IE means we are set apart from certain struggles. When Bernie’s staff were pushing for more organizational hires, we were separate from that push. When there was a mass layoff after Iowa, we had no avenue to be involved.

The other big assumption of the IE format is that it believes the campaign is a temporary opportunity. The point of building an independent voter database was to have something of value after Bernie’s campaign ends. But this can not be a temporary confrontation of racism or momentary dip into abolition work. People are smart and can tell when you show up because of the political opportunity versus acting to win the demands. We should be focused on building permanent relationships and trust.

We are in a period of cascading crises. First there was COVID-19, where many chapters mobilized mutual aid programs to help support their communities. Now police brutality and white supremacy are centered in national discussion and chapters are mobilizing around abolition work. In both cases we have found other organizations and organizers rising to do the same work. It is now more clear than ever that DSA is not the whole of the left. It can feel like DSA is playing catch up, but these are not new problems. Many of the new ruptures are old problems pushed to the breaking point. One of the best things a chapter can do to prepare is have community ties to quickly form coordinated responses.

This is all to say there isn’t going to be one true way to go about it, and I would be wary of any proposal that states otherwise. As with all organizing, we need to foreground building relationships and trust, and any given local is going to be starting from a different point. There are useful similarities between organizing a workforce and building a community coalition. There are universal things you need to consider as you get started. What is your history? How long have you been there? What are the local grievances? Are you respected as a hard worker? Who are your close friends and acquaintances? Who are the organic leaders in the area? Just because you organize a Target in one area, doesn’t mean it’s going to be exactly the same in the next state over. Workers in each area may have different circumstances, obstacles, resources, and even goals. Some might want improved benefits. Some might want to burn it all down.

As you ask these questions and begin a campaign, you will come to the point where you have to reach outside of your normal social circle. you must choose to be intentional about building relationships and trust with people you don't normally talk to. The ability to do this is what makes or breaks amassing the super majority to enact change. Also, you may come to find out someone else has already been organizing, and are a bit further ahead of you. The last thing you want to do in that moment is set up a competing organizing committee just to maintain control.

This is not to say that we should never announce ourselves. The best defense against any redbaiting is to be upfront with who you are: “I’m a socialist who knows collective liberation can only be obtained through the abolition of the police and the prison industrial complex.” But this does not need to be followed up with an ask to join DSA—and right now, it probably shouldn’t. Transformative solidarity means rising above the transactional interaction. Place at the forefront the demands you’re trying to enact. Maintain and build relationships.

Pre-existing relationships should be a part of your strategic considerations. Crises are a hard time to start forming relationships. You want to have a relationship before the notice of evictions arrives, or before someone loses their job for organizing. We are heading into a deep economic recession; mutual aid and protests are a great opportunity to build relationships in preparation of the next crisis. There is less hesitation to act if there are open lines of communication.

We have power, and we should put it to use furthering the demands of Black organizers. We should act with confidence but also accountability. Mistakes are bound to happen. When we work in tandem with others in our community there will be expectations we might fail to meet. Being open to feedback, willing to listen, and actually changing our behavior is the best way to build trust.

Chapters should also be thinking about how to maintain organizational relationships. It’s not sustainable to have your relationship be maintained through only one person. Shifting to organizational relationships is a way to make that accountability more concrete. We won't always want to build a relationship with every organization we meet, but the first step is always about extending a little bit of trust ourselves.

We haven’t figured out the answer here in Portland, but we have found a reward in extending that trust. In following Black leadership, our trust was rewarded with radical demands. Before the march even started they quoted Assata Shakur, and I knew we were in good hands.

“It is our duty to fight for our freedom.

It is our duty to win.

We must love each other and support each other.

We have nothing to lose but our chains.”

Written by Aaron Berger. To learn more about Southern Maine DSA, visit their website and follow them on Twitter.